He took to his feet on April 22, 1947 to ensure that the voices of Canada and the other Dominions would be properly heard as the U.K. negotiated official peace treaties arising out of the Second World War.

Only a few weeks after this final address, Bennett passed into history, dying alone at his British country estate on June 26, 1947.

Some of Viscount Bennett’s final speech in the Lords is found below.

Viscount Bennett: I rise to draw attention not to matters arising between this country and foreign countries, but to matters affecting the life of the Commonwealth. I am curious to ascertain whether or not notice was given to the nations of the Commonwealth when these Treaties were negotiated so that they might have an opportunity of expressing their views. Nothing has engaged the attention of the Dominions more than the question of the negotiation of Treaties. In 1921 and 1926, after it was determined that we were of equal status, certain principles were arrived at for the purpose of determining the position of the nations of the Commonwealth with regard to the respective Treaties that were being negotiated by these countries. Elaborate rules were laid down in 1926, but it was not until the Imperial Conference in 1930 that they finally arrived at the course of conduct that should be observed with respect to the negotiation of a Treaty. It was determined by that Conference that when a Treaty was being negotiated by this country, or by any of the nations of the Commonwealth, all the other nations of the Commonwealth should be informed, so they might have an opportunity of determining what action they would take. I would like to know from the learned Viscount on the Woolsack whether or not notice was given by this country within the terms of that rule.

I took the trouble to look up the rules as they were laid down at the Conference. They are very simple. In the Report of the Conference, it was laid down that the main points to be considered are as follows: (1) Any of His Majesty's Governments conducting negotiations should inform the other Governments of His Majesty in case they should be interested and give them the opportunity of expressing their views, if they think that their interests may be affected. (2) Any of His Majesty's Governments on receiving such information should, if it desires to express any views, do so with reasonable promptitude. (3) None of His Majesty's Governments can take any steps which might involve the other Governments of His Majesty in any active obligation without their definite assent. The Conference desires to emphasize the importance of ensuring the effective operation of these arrangements. That being so, it follows that every one of the Overseas Dominions which are nations of the Commonwealth had the right to receive from the Government of this nation an indication that they were about to negotiate a Treaty; that is, if the other nations were interested.

Obviously, some of the nations had some interest in the matter, for there are many thousands of dead (of one country at least) in Italy. They were also interested for other reasons that are apparent in the terms of the Treaty. Were they advised? Did they have the opportunity to express their views? Did they express their views? Did they say they had any further interest in the matter?

It will be recalled that when the conclusion was arrived at that these nations were autonomous communities, the Prime Minister of this country stated that they were recognized as such by the nations of the world. They had signed the Peace Treaties of the First World War, and they had generally exercised the rights and privileges of nations. That being so, the Statute of Westminster gave effect only to the conclusions that were then arrived at. It will be recalled that at the Imperial War Conference the conclusion was reached that we should have a Constitutional Conference to deal with the whole matter of the relations between the nations of the Commonwealth. Unfortunately, it was concluded that sufficient had been granted and obtained to obviate the necessity for that Conference being held. In 1921 it was decided that no Conference should be held, and in 1931 the Statute of Westminster was enacted by this Parliament.

It is of great importance, I submit, that there should be no misunderstandings at this time with respect to matters of this kind. The Dominions have taken an active part in the war; they have made great sacrifices and great contributions to victory—Australia and New Zealand in the far Pacific, Canada across the Atlantic, while South Africa's troops fought in three continents.

That being so, it is of the utmost importance that there should be no misunderstanding with respect to this matter. If there is, it is just the germ from which may result consequences so dire that we hesitate to consider them. That is all I rose to say. I have felt, from the discussions in the Press and elsewhere, that there was apparently no appreciation of the fact that, by common consent, a certain line of conduct and action had been determined, and it was important that a statement should be made as to whether or not that line of action had been followed. Arthur Milnes is an accomplished public historian and award-winning journalist.  He was research assistant on The Rt. Hon. Brian Mulroney’s best-selling Memoirs and also served as a speechwriter to then-Prime Minister Stephen Harper and as a Fellow of the Queen’s Centre for the Study of Democracy under the leadership of Tom Axworthy.  A resident of Kingston, Ontario, Milnes serves as the in-house historian at the 175 year-old Frontenac Club Hotel.